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__________________________________________________________________
Nicholas
A
.
Curott
Market
Process
Economics
and
the
Market
for
Money
Barnett
and
Block
(
2010
)
prove
beyond
any
reasonable
doubt
that
money
trades
in
every
market
and
therefore
,
strictly
speaking
,
has
no
market
price
of
its
own
.
And
so
every
time
I
used
the
phrase
“
objective
exchange
price
”
in
my
comment
(
Curott
,
2010
)
I
should
have
used
the
phrase
“
purchasing
power
”
instead
.
1
The
fact
that
money
is
traded
in
all
markets
is
of
central
importance
in
macroeconomics
,
as
I
discuss
below
,
because
it
suggests
that
monetary
disequilibrium
can
cause
general
unemployment
.
But
Barnett
and
Block
’
s
(
2010
)
lengthy
terminological
insistence
that
the
purchasing
power
of
money
is
technically
not
a
price
is
irrelevant
to
my
critique
of
their
original
article
.
1
The
correct
choice
of
words
is
important
for
clearly
expressing
ideas
.
The
conventional
notion
of
a
market
price
is
an
exchange
ratio
of
a
good
in
terms
of
money
.
Barnett
and
Block
(
2010
)
want
to
reserve
the
word
“
price
”
solely
for
money
prices
.
And
since
there
obviously
cannot
be
a
price
for
any
particular
money
enumerated
in
the
same
money
,
the
phrase
“
objective
exchange
price
”
of
money
is
a
poor
choice
of
words
to
denote
the
purchasing
power
of
money
because
it
seems
to
imply
that
the
objective
exchange
price
is
a
money
price
.
However
,
it
is
important
to
note
that
supply
and
demand
analysis
is
amenable
to
prices
that
are
not
money
prices
.
I
used
the
phrase
objective
exchange
price
because
it
is
the
phrase
used
in
the
English
translation
of
Mises
(
1981
[
1914
]).
Barnett
and
Block
’
s
(
2009
,
2010
)
primary
conclusion
,
that
it
is
illegitimate
to
speak
of
a
single
market
for
money
,
is
derived
from
the
premise
that
money
has
a
price
expressed
in
different
units
for
each
market
that
it
is
traded
in
.
While
the
premise
is
true
,
the
conclusion
they
draw
from
it
does
not
follow
.
2
Just
because
money
has
no
market
price
of
its
own
does
not
mean
that
it
has
no
market
purchasing
power
of
its
own
.
The
market
purchasing
power
of
money
,
unlike
other
goods
,
just
cannot
be
expressed
as
a
conventional
price
,
i
.
e
.,
as
a
numeric
ratio
of
exchange
in
terms
of
a
single
other
good
.
2
Barnett
and
Block
’
s
conclusion
that
there
is
no
aggregate
supply
and
demand
for
money
is
based
on
a
confusion
of
the
two
meanings
of
the
word
“
market
.”
Sometimes
the
word
market
is
used
in
an
ordinary
language
sense
to
denote
a
particular
sector
of
the
economy
,
such
as
the
market
for
pork
bellies
or
the
market
for
haircuts
.
Other
times
the
word
market
is
used
in
a
technical
economics
sense
to
denote
the
operation
of
supply
and
demand
among
an
aggregate
of
individuals
.
While
money
trades
in
all
sectors
of
the
economy
,
it
has
a
single
aggregate
supply
and
demand
.
Thus
there
is
no
single
market
for
money
in
the
first
sense
of
the
word
,
but
there
is
a
single
market
for
money
in
the
second
,
technical
economics
sense
.
Nicholas
A
.
Curott
is
a
Mercatus
Fellow
at
the
Department
of
Economics
,
George
Mason
University
(
Virginia
,
USA
).
Laissez-Faire
,
No
.
33
(
Sept
2010
):
12-16
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__________________________________________________________________
But
the
concept
of
the
purchasing
power
of
money
is
all
that
is
required
in
order
to
demonstrate
that
there
is
a
meaningful
notion
of
the
demand
for
money
in
the
aggregate
.
This
aggregate
demand
is
the
market
summation
of
individual
demands
to
hold
a
given
quantity
of
money
at
different
levels
of
the
purchasing
power
of
money
,
ceteris
paribus
.
3
The
supposedly
“
erroneous
claims
of
a
single
market
for
money
”
identified
in
Section
III
of
Barnett
and
Block
’
s
(
2009
,
20-22
)
article
are
claims
relating
to
the
market
purchasing
power
of
money
.
There
is
nothing
erroneous
about
these
claims
at
all
.
For
the
reasons
explained
in
my
comment
(
Curott
,
2010
),
as
long
as
money
has
an
anchored
value
that
isn
’
t
circular
,
the
market
purchasing
power
of
money
is
determined
by
supply
and
demand
.
In
a
static
equilibrium
,
or
,
if
one
prefers
,
in
the
“
evenly
rotating
economy
,”
the
purchasing
power
of
the
money
commodity
is
subject
to
the
law
of
one
price
.
4
All
3
If
Barnett
and
Block
wish
to
deny
that
money
’
s
purchasing
power
is
determined
by
the
supply
and
demand
in
a
single
aggregate
market
,
they
are
not
only
rejecting
mainstream
theory
,
but
also
Mises
and
Rothbard
.
Rothbard
(
2004
[
1962
],
Chapter
11
)
develops
an
especially
clear
cash
balance
theory
of
money
holdings
that
parallels
the
treatment
I
used
in
my
comment
;
Section
2
of
Chapter
11
entitled
“
The
Money
Relation
:
The
Demand
for
and
the
Supply
of
Money
”
leaves
no
doubt
about
what
Rothbard
thought
.
I
submit
that
it
is
more
likely
that
Mises
and
Rothbard
insisted
that
there
is
a
single
aggregate
market
for
money
because
it
is
in
fact
true
than
because
they
were
sloppy
or
did
not
understand
the
nuances
of
monetary
theory
.
4
Perhaps
the
“
law
of
one
price
”
should
instead
be
called
the
“
law
of
one
purchasing
power
”
in
order
to
avoid
confusion
when
it
comes
to
money
.
Money
has
many
prices
,
but
of
the
different
price
ratios
for
a
unit
of
money
in
terms
of
how
much
of
each
other
good
it
can
buy
must
have
the
same
purchasing
power
because
inequalities
are
arbitraged
away
.
By
virtue
of
Walras
’
s
Law
,
equilibrium
in
n
–
1
markets
implies
equilibrium
in
the
n
th
market
.
Money
appears
in
n
–
1
markets
but
not
in
its
own
market
.
As
an
equilibrium
condition
,
this
doesn
’
t
matter
because
Walras
’
s
Law
makes
it
reasonable
to
speak
of
a
market
for
money
as
a
residuum
.
Unlike
in
the
imaginary
construction
of
general
equilibrium
,
in
the
real
world
money
does
not
have
the
same
purchasing
power
in
all
markets
.
Therefore
it
makes
sense
to
speak
of
various
supplies
of
and
demands
for
money
,
but
not
because
this
is
somehow
implied
by
the
nature
of
money
as
suggested
by
Barnett
and
Block
(
2009
,
2010
).
Rather
,
money
has
different
purchasing
powers
in
different
markets
because
uncertainty
and
dynamic
change
mean
that
there
are
false
trades
and
the
law
of
one
price
does
not
apply
.
There
are
multiple
purchasing
powers
of
money
,
just
as
there
are
multiple
prices
of
cell
phones
and
baked
beans
.
Most
macroeconomists
do
not
consider
disequilibrium
in
these
other
nonmoney
markets
to
be
particularly
noteworthy
because
they
cannot
cause
general
unemployment
or
a
fall
in
aggregate
outratios
of
all
these
other
prices
are
fixed
by
supply
and
demand
.
Unfortunately
,
the
phrase
“
law
of
one
price
”
is
embedded
within
the
classical
(
and
neo-classical
)
equilibrium
barter
framework
in
which
“
price
”
means
the
purchasing
power
of
one
good
in
terms
of
another
good
,
where
any
good
is
capable
of
being
the
numeraire
.
For
better
or
for
worse
the
phrase
“
law
of
one
price
”
has
become
standard
usage
and
it
would
be
difficult
to
only
one
purchasing
power
,
meaning
the
change
at
this
point
in
time
.
__________________________________________________________________
Laissez-Faire
13
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__________________________________________________________________
put
.
Overproduction
in
the
cell
phone
market
,
for
example
,
would
represent
errors
of
judgment
by
some
producers
that
could
cause
firms
to
go
out
of
business
.
Such
discoordination
results
in
structural
unemployment
that
would
surely
affect
the
quality
of
life
of
certain
individuals
,
so
it
is
a
relevant
macroeconomic
problem
.
But
Say
’
s
Law
tells
us
that
such
overproduction
in
the
cell
phone
industry
must
be
matched
by
an
equal
amount
of
underproduction
in
other
industries
(
Kates
,
2003
).
Thus
,
while
the
cell
phone
market
is
depressed
,
markets
for
other
goods
would
be
booming
.
In
other
words
,
one
entrepreneur
’
s
loss
is
another
entrepreneur
’
s
gain
.
Disequilibrium
in
goods
markets
cannot
cause
a
business
cycle
,
which
is
characterized
by
a
clustering
of
errors
in
many
industries
and
by
general
underconsumption
.
Things
are
different
with
respect
to
money
.
The
fact
that
money
is
traded
in
all
markets
suggests
that
monetary
disequilibrium
can
have
economy-wide
effects
.
For
this
reason
numerous
explanations
for
recessions
have
been
proposed
that
rely
in
some
way
on
the
concept
of
monetary
disequilibrium
.
The
most
influential
has
been
the
Monetarist
interpretation
of
the
quantity
theory
of
money
,
which
implies
that
a
fall
in
prices
caused
by
contractionary
monetary
policy
results
in
insufficient
effective
aggregate
demand
and
economic
recession
(
Friedman
and
Schwartz
,
1963
;
Yeager
,
1996
).
5
5
In
the
words
of
Yeager
(
1996
,
5-6
):
“
The
catch
is
this
:
while
an
excess
supply
of
some
things
necessarily
means
an
excess
demand
for
others
,
those
other
things
may
,
unhappily
,
be
money
.
If
so
,
depression
in
some
industries
no
longer
entails
boom
in
others
....
Say
’
s
law
overlooks
monetary
disequilibrium
.
If
people
on
the
whole
are
trying
to
add
more
money
to
their
total
cash
balances
than
An
alternative
monetary
disequilibrium
theory
relies
on
the
Austrian
interpretation
of
the
capital
structure
,
which
implies
that
injections
of
credit
in
the
market
for
loanable
funds
can
result
in
structural
malinvestment
and
an
eventual
correction
marked
by
unemployment
(
Hayek
,
1931
,
1941
;
Garrison
,
1996
).
The
distinguishing
characteristic
of
the
Austrian
theory
is
the
insistence
that
macroeconomic
discoordination
is
caused
by
changes
in
relative
prices
throughout
the
economy
,
especially
those
brought
about
by
increases
in
the
money
supply
.
For
those
who
adhere
to
this
precognitive
analytical
vision
,
which
includes
both
Barnett
and
Block
as
well
as
myself
,
articulating
malinvestment
theory
persuasively
enough
to
convince
the
broad
economics
profession
constitutes
a
progressive
research
program
that
requires
much
more
empirical
and
theoretical
investigation
.
6
Therefore
the
theoretical
notion
of
are
trying
to
maintain
their
cash
balances
when
the
money
stock
is
shrinking
),
they
are
trying
to
sell
more
goods
and
labor
than
are
being
bought
.
If
people
on
the
whole
are
unwilling
to
add
as
much
money
to
their
total
cash
balances
as
is
being
added
to
the
total
money
stock
(
or
are
trying
to
reduce
their
cash
balances
when
the
money
stock
is
not
shrinking
),
they
are
trying
to
buy
more
goods
and
labor
than
are
being
offered
.
The
most
striking
characteristic
of
depression
is
not
overproduction
of
some
things
and
underproduction
of
others
,
but
rather
,
a
general
‘
buyers
’
market
,’
in
which
sellers
have
special
trouble
finding
people
willing
to
pay
more
for
goods
and
labor
.
Even
a
slight
depression
shows
itself
in
the
price
and
output
statistics
of
a
wide
range
of
consumer-goods
and
investment-goods
industries
.
Clearly
some
very
general
imbalance
must
exist
,
involving
the
one
thing
—
money
—
traded
on
all
markets
.
In
inflation
,
an
opposite
kind
of
monetary
imbalance
is
even
more
obvious
.”
6
is
being
added
to
the
total
money
stock
(
or
Most
economists
,
for
instance
,
do
not
think
__________________________________________________________________
Laissez-Faire
14
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__________________________________________________________________
the
many
markets
for
money
that
Barnett
and
Block
should
be
exploring
,
but
don
’
t
,
is
the
internal
dynamic
of
various
changes
in
money
demand
among
the
various
members
of
a
society
,
and
how
this
plays
out
in
real
time
.
That
is
a
very
hard
theoretical
problem
,
and
answering
it
satisfactorily
would
require
serious
advances
in
process-style
economic
theorizing
,
whether
it
be
in
the
form
of
well
reasoned
thought-experiments
or
perhaps
even
agent-based
computer
modeling
.
Barnett
and
Block
render
economics
a
service
by
evoking
the
notion
of
the
various
demands
for
money
and
thus
how
changes
in
monetary
policy
might
affect
specific
markets
differently
,
potentially
causing
general
business
fluctuations
.
But
they
give
no
good
reason
for
refusing
to
speak
of
a
market
for
money
because
if
one
can
speak
of
the
n
–
1
other
markets
in
an
economy
it
is
impossible
not
to
speak
of
the
n
th
market
.
So
the
demand
for
money
is
an
intelligible
notion
even
if
its
pristine
articulation
is
based
on
a
theory
of
equilibrium
.
One
can
understand
that
structural
shifts
in
the
economy
,
such
as
the
shift
of
employment
from
higher
orders
to
lower
orders
emphasized
in
the
Austrian
theory
,
are
capable
of
generating
the
rate
of
unemployment
witnessed
during
large
depressions
.
Nor
do
they
think
it
has
been
satisfactorily
explained
how
expectations
factor
into
Austrian
business
cycle
theory
,
or
in
which
actual
markets
malinvestment
will
appear
.
Furthermore
,
the
timing
of
the
upper
turning
point
predicted
by
Austrian
theory
is
very
poorly
understood
.
My
purpose
in
bringing
up
these
issues
is
not
to
argue
that
satisfactory
resolutions
are
lacking
,
but
rather
that
they
have
not
been
presented
with
sufficient
theoretical
rigor
or
substantiating
evidence
.
See
Hummel
(
1979
)
and
Wagner
(
1999
),
and
the
references
they
cite
,
for
discussion
of
some
of
the
weak
areas
in
Austrian
business
cycle
theory
and
for
suggestions
about
how
what
is
meant
by
a
general
change
in
the
demand
for
money
and
can
reason
about
it
.
REFERENCES
Barnett
,
William
and
Walter
Block
.
2009
.
“
Is
There
a
Market
for
Money
,
or
Are
There
Markets
for
Money
?
There
Ain
’
t
no
Such
Thing
as
the
Supply
of
or
the
Demand
for
Money
,”
Laissez-Faire
,
No
.
30-31
(
Mar-
Sept
):
18-22
.
Barnett
,
William
and
Walter
Block
.
2010
.
“
Reply
to
Curott
on
the
Market
for
Money
,”
Laissez-Faire
,
No
.
33
(
Sept
):
2-11
.
Curott
,
Nicholas
A
.
2010
.
“
The
Marginal
Utility
Theory
of
Price
Determination
and
the
Market
for
Money
:
A
Comment
on
Barnett
and
Block
,”
Laissez-Faire
,
No
.
32
(
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