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__________________________________________________________________
Walter
Block
Is
Milton
Friedman
a
Libertarian
?
I
.
Introduction
.
Milton
Friedman
calls
himself
a
small
“
l
”
libertarian
.
1
Just
because
he
does
so
,
however
,
does
not
mean
we
have
to
concur
with
this
self-styled
description
.
2
As
with
all
empirical
matters
,
we
must
check
the
evidence
if
we
are
to
properly
evaluate
such
a
claim
.
Why
is
it
even
more
important
to
do
so
in
this
case
than
in
many
others
?
There
are
several
reasons
.
First
and
foremost
,
Friedman
is
widely
and
heavily
associated
in
the
public
mind
with
libertarianism
.
If
his
claim
in
this
regard
is
given
credence
,
then
critics
of
more
extreme
versions
of
libertarianism
will
continue
to
be
confronted
with
the
“
Even
Milton
says
1
Small
“
l
”
as
opposed
to
large
“
L
.”
This
refers
to
the
Libertarian
Party
.
Friedman
is
thus
maintaining
that
while
he
does
not
vote
for
the
latter
,
perhaps
for
strategic
reasons
,
its
philosophy
on
political
economic
issues
is
closest
to
his
own
,
of
all
political
parties
.
2
See
,
for
instance
,
the
following
websites
:
www
.
pbs
.
org
/
wgbh
/
commandingheights
/
pres
s_site
/
people
/
pdf
/
friedman_intv
.
pdf
#
search
=
'
milton
%
20friedman
%
20libertarian
;
www
.
rea
son
.
com
/
9506
/
FRIEDMAN
.
jun
.
shtml
;
sfgate
.
com
/
cgibin
/
article
.
cgi
?
file
=/
c
/
a
/
2005
/
06
/
05
/
I
NG9QD1E5Q1
.
DTL
.
Walter
Block
is
Harold
E
.
Wirth
Eminent
Scholar
and
Professor
of
Economics
at
the
College
of
Business
Administration
,
Loyola
University
,
New
Orleans
.
…
”
argument
,
implying
that
anyone
with
a
purer
vision
of
economic
freedom
and
free
enterprise
is
for
that
reason
alone
too
extreme
.
Second
,
categorization
is
a
very
important
aspect
of
political
economic
analysis
(
Block
and
Cwik
,
2007
).
If
we
cannot
make
reasonable
distinctions
,
such
as
the
one
the
present
paper
is
attempting
to
establish
,
then
our
efforts
are
to
that
extent
less
scientific
.
It
is
an
exaggeration
,
to
be
sure
,
to
say
that
chemistry
and
biology
consist
of
nothing
more
than
categorization
,
but
only
a
slight
one
.
Much
depends
upon
where
on
the
periodical
table
of
elements
a
given
chemical
is
placed
;
similarly
,
whether
a
plant
or
animal
is
to
be
associated
with
this
or
that
family
,
species
,
phylum
,
etc
.,
is
a
crucially
important
question
in
biology
.
If
political
economists
wish
to
have
their
efforts
considered
systematic
,
we
,
too
,
must
be
more
than
merely
acquainted
with
the
niceties
of
categorization
.
We
must
apply
them
,
without
fear
or
favor
.
This
does
not
mean
,
of
course
,
that
libertarianism
,
or
any
other
political
philosophy
,
is
an
all
or
none
thing
.
To
be
sure
,
there
are
continua
here
,
as
there
are
in
most
phenomena
(
Block
and
Barnett
,
2008
).
Murray
Rothbard
used
to
say
:
“
Every
dog
gets
one
bite
.”
3
By
this
he
3
Personal
communication
with
the
author
.
However
,
I
doubt
whether
Rothbard
would
have
allowed
so
serious
a
deviation
from
free
Laissez-Faire
,
No
.
32
(
Marzo
2010
):
9-22
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__________________________________________________________________
meant
that
most
libertarians
,
or
,
indeed
,
adherents
of
any
political
economic
philosophy
,
deviate
in
one
or
even
a
few
points
that
can
otherwise
be
used
to
define
that
perspective
.
Just
so
,
in
libertarianism
.
But
to
acknowledge
that
this
field
of
thought
admits
of
grey
areas
is
not
to
surrender
to
the
notion
that
distinctions
are
impossible
,
or
unimportant
.
The
present
paper
discusses
in
some
detail
Friedman
’
s
divergences
from
libertarianism
in
just
a
few
cases
.
Were
space
to
have
permitted
,
these
,
also
,
could
have
been
added
:
withholding
tax
,
tradable
emissions
rights
,
neighborhood
effects
,
road
socialism
,
the
Fed
3
%
rule
,
flexible
exchange
rates
,
eminent
domain
,
democracy
.
It
is
thus
my
contention
that
this
economist
’
s
claim
to
the
mantle
of
libertarianism
cannot
be
sustained
.
There
are
simply
too
many
issues
upon
which
he
disagrees
with
its
twin
axioms
of
noninitiation
of
aggression
and
private
property
rights
.
At
the
outset
,
Friedman
’
s
assertion
that
he
should
be
considered
a
small
“
l
”
libertarian
looks
like
an
eminently
reasonable
one
.
The
name
“
Milton
Friedman
”
has
been
connected
over
the
years
with
a
whole
host
of
free
enterprise
initiatives
,
4
and
this
is
certainly
a
large
part
of
enterprise
principles
as
this
,
even
if
it
were
the
only
one
:
In
a
television
interview
(
video
.
google
.
com
/
videoplay
?
docid
=
6813529239
937418232
,
beginning
around
15
:
23
)
Friedman
endorses
the
New
Deal
WPA
and
PWA
as
necessary
emergency
action
.
It
is
difficult
to
reconcile
this
with
the
libertarian
philosophy
.
4
Even
the
unrelievedly
partisan
left
wing
television
series
West
Wing
has
acknowledged
no
less
(
http
://
www
.
westwingepguide
.
com
/
S5
/
Episodes
/
96_DR
.
html
).
Who
are
we
libertarianism
.
5
For
example
,
he
opposes
rent
control
(
Friedman
and
Stigler
,
1981
),
minimum
wages
(
Friedman
,
1962
,
1980
,
1983
;
Brozen
and
Friedman
,
1966
),
socialized
medicine
(
Friedman
,
2001
),
tariffs
(
Friedman
,
1962
,
1975
,
1977
,
1997
),
6
and
wants
to
reduce
the
size
of
government
(
Friedman
,
1987
).
He
was
especially
courageous
not
just
merely
for
opposing
occupational
licensure
,
but
for
actually
applying
it
to
the
hitherto
sacrosanct
practice
of
medicine
(
Friedman
,
1962
,
chapter
9
).
7
But
libertarianism
encompasses
far
more
than
only
free
market
economics
.
It
also
includes
the
field
of
personal
liberties
.
And
here
,
as
well
,
Milton
Friedman
shines
.
His
opposition
to
the
“
War
on
Drugs
”
(
1992a
,
1998
)
is
a
dramatic
case
in
point
.
And
this
is
only
the
tip
of
the
iceberg
.
There
is
a
whole
range
of
economic
and
personal
liberties
on
the
basis
of
which
this
Nobel
Prize
winning
author
can
be
considered
well
within
the
mainstream
of
libertarian
thought
.
5
Hayek
has
never
claimed
the
libertarian
mantle
for
himself
,
but
he
is
as
widely
considered
as
such
by
many
of
those
who
consider
Friedman
in
this
category
.
For
an
alternative
view
of
Hayek
,
see
Block
(
1996
,
1999
),
Block
and
Garschina
(
1996
),
Friedman
vs
.
Block
(
2006
),
and
Rothbard
(
1998
,
pp
.
219-
29
).
6
Once
,
at
a
gathering
of
the
American
Economic
Association
I
attended
,
he
made
the
following
statement
that
made
the
assemblage
very
proud
of
being
economists
.
He
stated
(
my
paraphrase
):
“
Thanks
to
the
efforts
of
all
economists
for
the
last
two
centuries
,
tariffs
are
probably
.
01
%
lower
than
they
otherwise
would
have
been
.
And
in
so
doing
,
we
have
increased
world
GDP
by
a
large
multiple
of
all
our
salaries
”
(
he
mentioned
“
ten
thousand
fold
”).
7
to
disagree
?
See
also
Friedman
and
Kuznets
(
1945
).
__________________________________________________________________
Laissez-Faire
10
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__________________________________________________________________
II
.
Libertarianism
.
Before
discussing
the
points
of
divergence
between
Friedman
and
this
political
economic
philosophy
,
let
us
take
a
detour
and
characterize
the
various
topics
of
concern
to
libertarianism
,
the
better
to
be
able
to
compare
and
contrast
his
views
with
that
system
.
At
the
most
extreme
8
point
on
the
libertarian
spectrum
is
located
anarchocapitalism
.
9
Here
,
all
functions
of
government
would
be
privatized
,
and
turned
over
to
free
enterprise
.
The
entire
system
would
be
run
on
the
basis
of
the
twin
axioms
of
libertarian
homesteading
,
and
the
non-aggression
axiom
.
The
former
would
be
used
to
set
up
private
property
initially
(
Rothbard
,
1998
;
Hoppe
,
1993
),
and
the
latter
to
determine
how
property
may
be
legitimately
transferred
from
one
person
to
another
.
The
short
answer
is
that
the
former
requires
of
each
of
us
that
we
keep
our
sticky
paws
off
the
persons
and
property
of
others
,
and
the
latter
implies
we
be
limited
to
voluntary
interaction
with
one
another
,
such
as
trade
,
gifts
,
etc
.
The
next
most
radical
aspect
of
this
philosophy
is
limited
government
libertarianism
,
or
minimal
government
,
or
,
for
10
short
,
minarchism
.
Here
,
the
state
has
but
one
proper
role
,
to
safeguard
the
persons
and
property
of
only
its
own
citizens
,
and
only
when
they
are
located
in
its
own
territory
.
To
this
end
there
are
but
8
I
am
tempted
to
say
,
at
the
most
“
right
wing
”
part
of
it
,
but
based
on
the
Nolan
Chart
analysis
(
www
.
freedomkeys
.
com
/
nolancharts
.
h
tm
),
this
would
not
be
quite
correct
.
9
Examples
include
Rothbard
(
1998
),
Hoppe
(
2001
),
and
David
Friedman
(
1989
).
three
legitimate
institutions
.
First
,
there
are
armies
.
These
are
to
keep
foreigners
from
attacking
us
while
located
in
the
domestic
country
,
not
while
traveling
abroad
.
These
are
not
to
be
used
to
be
the
policeman
of
the
world
,
engaging
in
“
regime
change
”
for
countries
that
violate
their
own
citizens
’
rights
.
A
department
of
defense
is
justified
,
but
not
a
misnamed
such
department
,
which
really
serves
as
a
department
of
offense
.
Secondly
,
there
are
police
.
This
institution
is
to
protect
us
from
local
miscreants
:
murderers
,
rapists
,
arsonists
,
kidnappers
,
pickpockets
,
fraudsters
,
etc
.
But
not
those
engaged
in
victimless
“
crimes
”
such
as
drug
using
or
dealing
,
sexual
acts
between
consenting
adults
,
gambling
,
etc
.
And
third
are
courts
.
The
purpose
of
the
judiciary
is
to
distinguish
innocence
from
guilt
in
criminal
matters
.
(
Civil
issues
would
be
privately
adjudicated
.)
All
property
other
than
that
needed
to
perform
these
three
functions
(
army
barracks
,
planes
,
tanks
and
guns
,
police
stations
,
jails
,
courthouses
)
would
be
privately
owned
.
The
least
radical
category
of
libertarianism
might
be
characterized
as
minarchism
plus
,
or
moderately
limited
government
.
11
In
this
case
the
state
would
take
on
,
in
addition
to
the
three
institutions
mentioned
above
,
control
of
what
is
characterized
by
some
(
public
choice
)
as
“
pure
public
goods
.”
For
example
,
mosquito
control
,
swamp
draining
,
prevention
of
communicable
diseases
,
ownership
of
transportation
arteries
(
roads
and
highways
,
but
not
railroads
),
bodies
of
water
(
rivers
,
lakes
,
sewers
),
fire
protection
(
since
fires
spread
),
but
not
the
post
office
(
the
U
.
S
.
constitution
authorizes
,
but
11
See
Murray
(
1997
),
Boaz
(
1997
),
Epstein
10
The
most
famous
instance
is
Nozick
(
1974
).
(
1995
),
and
Machan
(
1990
).
__________________________________________________________________
Laissez-Faire
11
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__________________________________________________________________
does
not
require
,
that
such
amenities
be
under
government
control
).
But
that
would
be
just
about
it
.
If
any
additional
functions
are
added
to
this
,
12
then
we
move
out
of
the
realm
of
libertarianism
and
into
its
first
cousin
,
classical
liberalism
.
13
In
this
case
,
government
takes
on
the
additional
roles
,
for
example
,
of
providing
welfare
for
the
poor
,
but
only
of
a
last
(
not
a
first
)
resort
.
However
,
there
is
no
income
redistribution
from
the
very
to
the
moderately
rich
;
there
is
only
a
safety
net
placed
under
the
very
,
very
poor
,
so
that
they
do
not
die
from
starvation
,
from
the
elements
,
etc
.,
in
case
private
charity
does
not
first
meet
this
need
.
Too
,
government
is
assigned
the
task
of
supplying
a
monetary
medium
,
and
taking
on
some
limited
14
responsibility
regarding
health
,
education
and
welfare
.
15
12
The
text
makes
it
sound
as
if
there
are
clear
and
fast
lines
between
categories
of
political
economy
,
and
number
and
type
of
functions
of
government
.
In
actual
point
of
fact
,
the
demarcation
between
anarcho-capitalism
and
minarchism
and
between
minarchism
and
looser
libertarianism
or
minarchism
plus
is
reasonably
sharp
.
But
there
is
something
of
a
gray
area
between
the
latter
and
classical
liberalism
.
13
For
instance
,
Hayek
(
1944
);
for
a
critique
see
Block
(
1996
).
14
Very
limited
.
15
The
place
of
immigration
law
is
a
very
contentious
issue
amongst
libertarians
,
so
we
abstract
from
such
questions
at
present
.
For
this
debate
,
see
pro
open
immigration
:
Block
(
1998
,
2004
),
Block
and
Callahan
(
2003
),
Gregory
and
Block
(
2007
)
Huerta
de
Soto
(
1998
);
anti
open
immigration
:
Brimelow
(
1995
),
Taylor
(
1998
),
Hoppe
(
1998
,
2001
),
III
.
Categorizing
Friedman
.
With
this
overview
,
which
hopefully
will
enable
us
to
identify
the
players
without
a
scorecard
,
we
can
now
attempt
to
categorize
Milton
Friedman
.
Is
he
an
anarcho-capitalist
?
To
ask
this
question
is
to
answer
it
:
he
is
not
.
16
Can
he
be
found
amongst
the
minarchists
?
No
,
he
defends
a
far
more
intrusive
government
.
The
horse
race
here
is
between
loose
libertarianism
or
minarchism
plus
,
on
the
one
hand
,
and
classical
liberalism
,
on
the
other
.
Certainly
,
Friedman
’
s
opposition
to
rent
control
,
minimum
wage
,
tariffs
,
the
drug
war
,
etc
.,
tend
to
drag
him
in
the
former
direction
.
But
there
are
several
stands
of
which
propel
him
the
other
way
entirely
.
1
.
Money
.
Friedman
(
1960
,
1992b
;
Friedman
and
Schwartz
,
1963
)
is
a
monetary
statist
.
That
he
favors
“
rules
not
authorities
”
cuts
little
ice
in
this
regard
.
For
him
,
the
free
enterprise
system
is
simply
incapable
of
providing
this
lifeblood
of
the
economy
,
e
.
g
.,
the
gold
standard
.
He
has
been
vociferous
on
this
matter
,
railing
against
this
market
alternative
,
dismissing
its
advocates
as
“
gold
bugs
.”
It
cannot
possibly
be
overstated
how
important
money
is
for
a
free
society
.
Again
,
it
is
the
very
lifeblood
of
the
economy
.
Apart
from
the
miniscule
number
of
trades
financed
through
barter
,
money
is
one
half
of
every
transaction
undertaken
.
Lenin
knew
well
that
the
surest
way
to
undermine
a
society
is
to
17
debauch
its
currency
.
A
large
part
of
the
16
His
son
is
(
David
Friedman
,
1989
),
but
Milton
Friedman
deserves
no
such
honorific
.
17
Kinsella
(
2005
).
Keynes
attributes
this
statement
to
Lenin
:
__________________________________________________________________
Laissez-Faire
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